By J.A.A. Stockwin
The amount opens with an in depth autobiographical caricature of the author's unique 'meeting with Japan', which started in 1961after taking over a submit at ANU, Canberra (the results of a profitable reaction to an ad within the Manchester Guardian). After twenty-one years in Australia, Arthur Stockwin moved again to the united kingdom to take the chair of the then recently-established Nissan Institute of eastern reports. He was once to be in publish there additionally for twenty one years, his retirement coinciding with e-book of his Dictionary of the trendy Politics of Japan (Routledge, 2003).
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Additional resources for Collected Writings of J. A. A. Stockwin: Part 1
Three main factors, however, conspired to prevent this happening. The first, and most important, was the extremely rapid economic growth which extended from the 1950s to the early 1970s. The bulk of the population received unprecedented increases in its standard of living over this period, and this undoubtedly blunted the appeal of alternative forms of government. The second was the success of the LDP in retaining and developing its cohesion as a political machine. The Party was beset by formidable problems of internal factionalism, and yet was able to overcome these to the point of containing its own divisions within a loose yet reasonably firm organizational structure.
The KP declared a policy of neutrality, although the KP Chairman, Takeiri Yoshikatsu, declared his own sympathy for Ohashi. The LDP, reversing their 1970 approach, did not put up a candidate of their own, but instructed their members to give backing to Ohashi. Both sides of the Socialist Party therefore found themselves in a painful and embarrassing position. Those who supported Ninagawa were greatly outnumbered by the Communists in support of a candidate who, whatever his merits in the past, could now scarcely project an image of freshness and radical reform.
The best result so far of the SDL is three Lower House seats. The earlier JSP monopoly of opposition seats was also challenged from the outside, by two dynamic and well-organised parties which began to do well in the 1960s. Despite their radically different origins and ideologies, these two parties have much in common organisationally and in terms of the base of their support. The first is the Kōmeitō (also sometimes known, rather inaccurately, in English as the Clean Government Party), the political offshoot of an energetically proselytising neo-Buddhist religion called the Sōka Gakkai (‘Value-Creation Association’) having an appeal in particular to relatively undereducated sections of the population which in an earlier age might well have been called ‘petit bourgeois’.